Reluctance to embrace diversity has historically left societies vulnerable to the rise of authoritarian political ideologies, a pattern that becomes particularly pronounced during times of socioeconomic, political and ecological collapse that produce mass global migration as we see today. These periods of uncertainty and instability create conditions that enable reactionary movements that seek to reinforce exclusionary and hierarchical social structures. Populist leaders worldwide have used rhetoric to reassert unified national, ethnic, and religious identities in response to their perceived instability. Among the many institutions that such movements target, public education stands as a critical battleground due to its role in shaping the present and the future of nation states. For instance, in recent years, public schools in the US have seen an increase in incidents where fundamentalist groups have attempted to pressure them into adopting curricula whose literacy practices are rooted in a North American White Evangelical Christian worldview. These efforts reflect broader ideological battles that seek to impose White Christian nationalism under the guise of protecting children, morality, and freedoms. The increasing visibility and influence of these groups in education systems worldwide have raised pressing concerns among scholars, educators, and policymakers about the implications for democratic societies.
Drawing on Octavia Butler’s work, this paper examines this contemporary phenomenon in public education discourse, which the authors identify as “ethnoreligious nationalism.” Ethnoreligious nationalism is a political and cultural ideology that fuses national identity with religious and linguistic heritage, often positing a particular ethnic or religious group as the true, rightful or indisputable inheritors of a particular nation-state. Ethnoreligious nationalist movements aim to consolidate political power and shape the institutions of nation-states. This paper introduces the concept of "ethnoreligious nationalist literacies," highlighting how ethnoreligious nationalist movements leverage literacy to further their agendas. The term encompasses the policies, practices, curricula, and instruction within state-sponsored schools, situating these educational strategies within the broader political expressions of ethnoreligious nationalism. In the context, we argue that ethnoreligious nationalist movements use affective literacy strategies—rhetorical and pedagogical tactics designed to stir emotions and mobilize public sentiment—to challenge diversifying principles in public education. Through these strategies, they advance revisionist histories, promote culturally exclusive curricula, and undermine inclusive pedagogies that encourage critical thinking and pluralism. Such movements often legitimize violence against those outside their imagined community of cultural insiders (Gorski & Perry, 2022).
To understand the contemporary manifestations of ethnoreligious nationalism in public education, we provide a snapshot of current spectacles of ethnoreligious nationalist activism in the US, Brazil, and Sri Lanka. In the United States, for example, school boards have become arenas where debates over curriculum, particularly regarding race, gender, and history, have escalated into organized campaigns by nationalist groups. These groups often frame their opposition to inclusive educational policies as a defense of parental rights and religious freedom, portraying public education as a site of leftist, unpatriotic indoctrination. Similar trends are observable in other democracies, such as Sri Lanka, where post-independence governments have centralized nationalist and Sinhala Buddhist values, or in Brazil, where Catholicism takes centerstage. As microcosms of society, schools reflect how ethnoreligious nationalism structures cultural hierarchies, norms, and restricted forms of civic engagement, particularly through the selection of texts and the language used to convey them.
The strategies deployed by ethnoreligious nationalist movements rely heavily on emotional appeals that tap into anxieties about cultural change, demographic shifts, and perceived moral decay. These affective literacy strategies are particularly effective in times of social unrest, as they provide a sense of certainty and moral clarity to those who feel threatened by immigration and multiculturalism. By framing public education as an institution under siege by progressive forces, these movements galvanize public support for policies that restrict critical discussions on race, gender equality, genocides, and imperialism. This not only demoralizes educators who seek to uphold democratic values but also weakens students' ability to engage critically with the ongoing nationalist and imperial violence.
The consequences of ethnoreligious nationalist activism in education extend beyond the classroom. When public schools become sites of ideological contestation, the broader democratic fabric of society is at risk. Education that promotes ethnoreligious nationalism fosters division and intolerance, deepening polarization. It also erodes trust in public institutions, making it easier for authoritarian leaders to justify censorship, surveillance, and other forms of state control under the pretext of preserving national identity and combatting internal and external enemies. This, in turn, shapes how democratic institutions navigate the tension between majority rule and minority rights within a sociopolitical landscape where citizenship is increasingly stratified and resistant to conventional representations (Vertovec, 2007).
Given these challenges, there is an urgent need for critical comparative international research on the literacies deployed by ethnoreligious nationalist movements across educational settings. Understanding the interplay between literacy practices and nationalist activism is essential for developing counter-pedagogies. Educational policies must reaffirm the role of public schooling in fostering democratic citizenship, critical thinking, and cultural pluralism. This includes supporting educators in navigating politically charged educational environments, ensuring that curricula reflect diverse perspectives, and implementing media literacy programs that equip students with the skills to critically analyze political rhetoric and misinformation.
The rise of ethnoreligious nationalism in public education is a pressing issue that demands scholarly attention and proactive policy responses mainly because, one need not belong to a historically dominant ethnoreligious group to adopt its cultural framework for schooling. Ethnoreligious nationalist movements frequently form fluid coalitions across diverse groups, united by shared moral binaries. As this essay will illustrate, these coalitions often justify interventions in the governance of state-funded schools—bypassing established democratic processes—to implement restrictive or exclusionary literacy policies. Consequently, public support for ethnoreligious nationalist literacies (e.g., through voting) can significantly constrain the vision for socially just, equitable, and democratic educational futures. As societies grapple with political and economic uncertainties, authoritarian movements will continue to exploit education as a means of consolidating power and reshaping national identity. By investigating the literacy strategies employed by these movements and advocating for democratic educational practices, researchers, educators, and policymakers can work towards safeguarding public education as a cornerstone of pluralistic and democratic societies.
This paper draws on Octavia Butler’s work to examine the rise of authoritarian political ideologies in public education discourse, which the authors identify as “ethnoreligious nationalism.” Ethnoreligious nationalism is a political and cultural ideology that fuses national identity with religious and linguistic heritage, often positing a particular ethnic or religious group as the true, rightful or indisputable inheritors of a particular nation-state. This paper introduces the concept of "ethnoreligious nationalist literacies," highlighting how ethnoreligious nationalist movements leverage literacy to further their agendas. The authors provide a snapshot of current spectacles of ethnoreligious nationalist activism in the US, Brazil, and Sri Lanka. They argue that ethnoreligious nationalist movements use affective literacy strategies to challenge diversifying principles in public education. By investigating the literacy strategies employed by these movements and advocating for democratic educational practices, researchers, educators, and policymakers can work towards safeguarding public education as a cornerstone of pluralistic, democratic societies.