The pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā ritual consecrates a new temple image (pratimā), with the re-enactment of the five key events of a tīrthaṅkara’s life, transforming the sculpted image from mere marble to that which embodies the perfected qualities of a jina and is therefore worshippable. Within the Kānjī Svāmī tradition, the performance of the pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā has long constituted an important part of ritual life and is celebrated with much fanfare and enthusiasm, despite the ritual standing seemingly in contradiction to the doctrinal, knowledge-based path to liberation that they promote, and Kānjī Svāmī’s own repeated statements on the futility of worship and devotional practices. This paper aims to explore the ways in which particular aspects of the pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā have changed over time through the adoption of new technology, allowing for novel and expanded means of performance and participation. Using archival and collected photographs and film produced from 1950 onwards, alongside fieldwork interviews, I will offer a comparative, historical analysis of several ritual performances in India and abroad to demonstrate how the incorporation of different technologies has enriched and transformed not just the ritual itself as a vehicle for shared devotional practices and the dissemination of Jain teachings but also the experience for the viewer/participant, building and strengthening a deep sense of individual and collective mumukṣu identity.
Since the first pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā in 1941 (Sīmandhara Svāmī mandir, Songadh), Kānjī Svāmī (1890 – 1980) presided over 33 of these rituals (in addition, he also performed 33 vedi pratiṣṭhā rituals which consecrate the seat of the jina image). These pratiṣṭhā rituals functioned to establish networked sites of Digambara Jainism as propagated by Kānjī Svāmī, firstly throughout Saurashtra, wider Gujarat and Mumbai, before spreading further afield to centres in eastern and southern parts of India (e.g. Fatehpur 1972; Bangalore 1975 and Chennai 1978). In the last year of his life, Kānjī Svāmī consecrated a jina image at their first international mandir located in Nairobi (1980). With the further establishment of temples outside of India largely as a result of efforts from diaspora communities in the UK and the US, pañca-kalyāṇak pratiṣṭhās were performed from the early 2000s onwards by community members, working in tandem with religious pandits and centres in India.
Rituals that occurred in 1950, 1970, and 2024 have been selected as points of focus as they represent the early, mid-point, and present time in the tradition’s history. Additionally, the London mandir pratiṣṭhā held in 2006 will also be examined as an example of the ritual in a diasporic context.
In 1950, the pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā was held in Rajkot, Gujarat and it is one of the most well-documented from this early era of the Kānjī Svāmī tradition - the Rajkot Mandir Trust has archived and digitised a rich collection of around 4000 photographs of this particular pratiṣṭhā. In 1970, the ritual took place in Shirpur, Maharashtra at a pre-existing Jain mandir housing an image known as antarikṣā Parśvanātha, a site long contested by different Jain sectarian groups vying for ownership. 12 large photograph albums that document each part of the ritual in superb, high-quality detail are held and preserved in the personal archives of the family who had commissioned the ritual. These historic images preserve interesting details of the ritual including, for example, the use of candle flames, which appears to have been accepted during Kānjī Svāmī’s time but have since been denounced and dropped from any ritual practices due to concerns regarding the harm caused to small organisms. This is just one example of the shifts in attitudes and practices.
The pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā that was held in January 2024 the village of Songadh, Gujarat was conceived of and executed on a monumental scale, with more than two years of planning. An estimated 10,000 – 15,000 pilgrims attended the event in-person, travelling from across India and as far abroad as Kenya, the UK, and the US. Many more joined remotely using live streaming channels which were broadcasting 24 hours a day for the week-long festivities. This pratiṣṭhā throws into stark relief the incorporation of new technology. Shifting from traditionally used hand-painted, cloth backdrops and cardboard models to represent Mount Meru for example, in its place we see the incorporation of drones and large-scale construction work to create a far more immersive experience with a higher degree of realism. Similarly, high-end AV equipment has enabled the viewing of the ritual action in real time, with crowds watching on large LED screens or streaming the broadcasting from their phones. This has made the ritual far more accessible for many and it greatly contrasts with earlier times when the crowds in attendance were not able to directly view much of the proceedings. This creates a qualitatively different experience for the participant, one in which the expansive, collective sense is palpable. Further, these rituals are no longer one-time events but preserved online – they become re-liveable as recordings are uploaded to YouTube channels and shared on social media, songs are downloadable, and feature-length films are made.
Thus, the adoption and incorporation of new technology into the pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā has allowed for an expansion and enhancement of the ritual in multiple ways. The performance of the ritual itself has undergone changes, and online tools in particular have enabled far greater participation and preservation of the event, impacting upon both an individual and collective sense of Jain identity for the Kānjī Svāmī community.
The pañca-kalyāṇaka pratiṣṭhā ritual consecrates a new temple image (pratimā), with the re-enactment of the five key events of a tīrthaṅkara’s life, transforming the sculpted image from mere marble to that which embodies the perfected qualities of a jina and is therefore worshippable. Within the Kānjī Svāmī tradition, this ritual has long constituted an important part of temple life and is enthusiastically celebrated, despite the apparent contradiction it poses to the knowledge-based path to liberation that is promoted. This paper aims to explore ways in which the ritual has changed through the adoption of new technology, allowing for novel and expanded means of performance and participation. Using archival images and fieldwork interviews, I will offer a comparative, historical analysis to demonstrate how the incorporation of different technologies has transformed not just the ritual itself but also the experience for the participant, renewing a sense of individual and collective mumukṣu identity.