Insights into the sacred landscape of Sikkim: Transformation and changing meaning of indigenous beliefs

Among Himalayan Buddhist mythology, Sikkim, the former Buddhist kingdom now part of the Indian Union (1975) holds a special place as one of the sacred landscapes. According to Nyingma Buddhist tradition, Guru Rinpoche, the second Buddha, sanctified the entire Himalayan stretch during his journey to Tibet in the eighth century CE. He traversed the Himalayas to subdue earthly spirits considered obstacles to Buddhist practice and discovered almost 109 “hidden lands” (beyul). Even though many beyuls are yet to be revealed, academics and Buddhist scholars have identified twenty-two of them (Reinhard 1978; Diemberger 1993, 1996, 1997; Childs 1999). Those who venture into these beyuls are believed to receive swift enlightenment. A beyul also serves as a spiritual and political refuge when Tibetans are threatened elsewhere, reflecting a popular belief that the main role of the beyuls is to provide a sanctuary in times of trouble. It was prophesized that different tertöns (treasure revealers) shall discover these hidden lands in time.

In the contemporary Buddhist narratives of the Himalayas, Sikkim is regarded as a ‘sacred hidden land’ or ‘one of the most significant beyul’ (Acharya 2012, 20). The History of Sikkim (Namgyal and Drolma 1908) tells us that the land was initially blessed by the bodhisattva Chenrezig and the god Indra, then exorcised by Guru Rinpoche of all evil spirits and cleared of all obstacles that would obstruct or disturb the course of devotional practices. Sikkim’s sacred landscape constitutes what Rana Singh called a ‘faithscape’, encompassing “sacred places, sacred time, sacred meaning and sacred rituals” (Singh 2005: 221) that adhere to different religious practitioners that live in proximity.

Although Sikkim’s landscape is revered, the meaning of sacred landscape is multi-layered and subject to personal understanding and experience. Therefore, it is reasonable to argue that the interpretation of a sacred landscape should draw insights from the perspective of local insiders, who personally experience and interact with the landscape daily (Tuan, 1974), and outsiders who find new meanings and accept existing beliefs. Other than that, Chidester and Linenthal summarized that sacred places can be consecrated, “as ritual space where symbolic ritual ceremonies perform; as a significant site that reflects human beings’ relationship with non-human entities, a means for establishing meaningful worldviews and orientations in reality; and as contested space where the legitimate ownership of sacred symbols is contested among different claims and interests” (1995: 10-12). Keeping this in mind, the first part of this paper examines religious sites where symbolic rituals are performed associated with the miracles of Guru Rinpoche and encounters with non-human entities. This sacred site is usually the institutionalized Buddhist sacred landscape enveloped in narratives of conflict among different claims and interests with other religious practitioners. To explore this dynamic of the sacred sites, a version of the classical Tibetan treasure text referred to as The Guidebook to the Holy Place by Rigdzin Godemchen (Rig’dzin rgod kyi ldem ‘phru can 1362 and 1373), interpreted by lamas at different monasteries, is utilized as a source. The centrality of which deals with the state formation of the Buddhist sacred landscape through the sighting of relics, the hearing of liturgical prayers, the movement within sacred spaces, ritual processions, and practices which then constructed an “Indigenous Buddhist Sikkim” (Arora 2009: 54) or a Tibetan Buddhist image of Sikkim (Mullard 2005: 31). This aspect of state formation arguably also “…worked towards invisibilizing both earlier animistic Lepcha association and later Nepalis with Sikkim’s landscape” (Acharya and Ormsby 2017: 233). Therefore, the emphasis is given to re-analyzing through narratives, how the other communities, in an attempt to gain access to the sites, generate overlapping narratives about the same sacred landscape. Specifically, this part also presents semi-structured interviews and fieldwork case studies, collected from villages in Sikkim, viz. Chungthang, Tashiding, Khecheopalri, Pemayangtse, Pelling, and Dzongu. These data emphasize the continuing conflict between the Lhopos and Lepchas of Sikkim about beyul Drémojong and Máyel Lyáng respectively; the almost-escalated conflict in Tashiding Gompa among the Lhopos and Sherpas; and the overlapping narratives regarding Khecheopalri Lake.

The second part includes fieldwork data collected from various villages/towns in Sikkim (namely – Mangan, Ramthang, Phodong, Gangtok), to explore the narratives related to otherwise profane space becoming the emerging sacred site due to accidents and mishaps. Arora (2006) notes how sacred landscapes play an important role in expressing and demonstrating the politicization of culture and ethnic identity, indicate conflict and integration between groups, and serve as the locus of ethnic competition over resource use (Arora 2006: 56). As a result, when people interact with these sacred sites, instead of evoking images, memories, beliefs, and emotions relating to their identity and history (Tuan 1974: 17), fear, and conflict arise. The physical landscape is marked with symbolic rituals and narratives that constitute an important component in the sacred landscape of Sikkim and reflect local people’s religious practices, cultural identity, and everyday life. Thus, it explores how sacred landscapes are being reimagined in the face of growing political and cultural tensions expressed through stories, conflict reports, and the conversion of religious landscapes, thereby exploring the process by which sacred sites are territorialized.