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Transregional Encounters in Yunnan: Connecting East Asian, Himalayan, and Southeast Asian Buddhism

Yunnan Province, located in southwest China, has long been a hub in transregional networks connecting Chinese regions to South and Southeast Asia. However, it has received less scholarly attention for its role in Buddhist transmission than Silk Road sites like Dunhuang and maritime routes. This panel’s four papers together demonstrate Yunnan’s significance as a place for encounters between different forms of Buddhism and Buddhists of different backgrounds. They share a temporal orientation in and around the late imperial period (1368–1911), which was a dynamic, transitional time for the region, and which left behind more abundant documentation of such encounters. The papers also cohere around the theme of political power, specifically how Buddhist encounters in Yunnan offer opportunities for different actors to augment, invoke, or challenge temporal authority. Each paper foregrounds a different encounter zone that connects Yunnan to Tibet, the Ming (1368–1644) court, middle-period South and Southeast Asia, or Theravāda Southeast Asia. As such, the papers draw on diverse sources in a variety of languages, including Sinitic, Tibetan, Sanskrit, Pali, and Dai.

A key site that became a Buddhist center in the late imperial period was Jizu shan (Chicken-foot Mountain; Sk. Kukkuṭapāda), a pilgrimage destination close to the Dali plain, which had been the region’s political center from the seventh century until the Mongol conquest of 1253. Panelist 1 explores Buddhist encounters at Jizu shan through the lens of Xitan Temple, founded by the regional Naxi ruler Mu Zeng in the early seventeenth century, which became a shared space for Chan Buddhists and Tibetan Buddhists. This paper focuses on the pilgrimage and travel records of two contemporary figures who spent time at the temple, the Tibetan Sixth Zhwa dmar Chos kyi dbang phyug (1584–1630) and the Han literatus Xu Xiake (1587–1646). Xitan Temple thus facilitated material, human, and ritual encounters between Tibetan and Chinese Buddhists in a way that supported Mu Zeng’s regional authority.

Xitan Temple was among the Buddhist institutions on Jizu shan that received a copy of the Yongle Northern Canon from the Ming court. The bestowal of this canon on temples in Yunnan is the focus of Panelist 2’s paper, which considers how and why Ming emperors, starting with the Wanli Emperor (r. 1573–1619) and his mother, Empress Dowager Li (1545–1614), singled out Jizu shan temples for their imperial favor. Of the five copies of this canon bestowed in Yunnan, four were granted to temples on Jizu shan. Panelist 2 draws on temple and regional gazetteers, inscriptions, and other records to argue that the Ming court bestowed the Yongle Northern Canon on Jizu shan temples to consolidate the border region and protect the empire.

Imperial power remains the focus of Panelist 3’s paper, which investigates the specific form of Buddhist rulership articulated in a Ming copy of a Dali-kingdom (937–1254) ritual text written in Sinitic script with Sanskrit interpolations for key terms and _dhāraṇī_s. This text centers around the consecration ritual (Sk. _abhiṣeka_; Ch. _guanding_) used to crown kings and initiate practitioners into esoteric teachings. Panelist 3 shows that one section of the text presents the Dali ruler as a buddha-king, or _buddharāja_, in a way that overlaps with the Hindu-inspired god-king (Sk. _devarāja_) ideal found in contemporaneous Khmer society. As Panelist 3 argues, this shows how Dali rulers did not just embrace the Sinitic ideal of the “humane king” (Ch. _renwang_), but also participated in Buddhist kingship practices with ties to South and Southeast Asia. Moreover, the Ming copy of this ritual text indicates the continued relevance of this form of Buddhist kingship, though in this case it may have been the Yongle Emperor (r. 1402–1424) who sought ritual technologies from Dali.

The connections between Yunnan and Southeast Asia suggested in the third paper become even more evident in the fourth paper, which examines the localization of the Buddhist monastic rule in a bitextual version of the Pātimokkha (the core rules of the Vinaya) from southern Yunnan’s Sipsongpanna (Ch. Xishuangbanna) region, situated at the border with Laos and Myanmar. The text’s two languages are Pali, the religious language of Theravada Buddhism, and Dai Le (Tai Lue), a Tai dialect related to those spoken in neighboring regions of mainland Southeast Asia. Panelist 4 compares this manuscript, titled _Săpº kammavācā_, to similar Pali-vernacular bitexts based on the Pātimokkha composed between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries by Dai, Khün, Lao, Lanna, and Siamese authors. This paper shows how Dai intellectuals worked within the constraints of the bitextual genre to produce a locally relevant version of a key Vinaya treatise in a borderland region. Panelist 4 also attends to how Qing-era Dai redactors of the _Săpº kammavācā_, as well as contemporary Dai scholars who translated it into Chinese, were informed by their dual marginalization at the edges of both the Theravada world and the Chinese state.

These four papers on Xitan Temple, the Yongle Buddhist Canon, a Dali-kingdom _abhiṣeka_ text, and the _Săpº kammavācā_ each reveal a different facet of Buddhist encounters in Yunnan in and around the late imperial period. These papers highlight the challenges of studying Buddhism in Yunnan, especially the difficulty of navigating such a diverse linguistic and cultural landscape. However, they also show the benefits of treating Yunnan as a whole, rather than separately addressing Sinitic, Tibetan, or Pali forms of Buddhism. The response promises to draw out shared themes about how encounters between different forms of Buddhism generated distinctive local traditions in Yunnan.

As more scholars turn their attention toward Buddhism in Yunnan, it becomes increasingly important to communicate across linguistic, sectarian, and regional specializations to develop holistic understandings of this fascinating but understudied frontier zone. This panel takes an important step in bringing together a diverse range of scholarly perspectives on Yunnan’s diverse Buddhist traditions. The panelists include two PhD candidates, one assistant professor, and one emeritus professor; the respondent is a full professor, and the presider is an associate professor; three of the six participants are scholars of color, and three are women.

Abstract for Online Program Book (maximum 150 words)

Yunnan Province, located in southwest China, has long been a hub in transregional Buddhist networks. However, it has received less scholarly attention than Silk Road sites and maritime routes. This panel’s four papers demonstrate Yunnan’s significance as a place for encounters between different forms of Buddhism and Buddhists of different backgrounds, with a focus on political themes in the late imperial period (1368–1911). Each paper uses a specific case study— Xitan Temple, the Yongle Buddhist Canon, an _abhiṣeka_ ritual text, and the _Săpº kammavācā_—to foreground a different encounter zone that connects Yunnan to Tibet, the Ming (1368–1644) court, middle-period South and Southeast Asia, or Theravada Southeast Asia. The papers draw on diverse sources in various scripts to reveal different facets of Buddhist encounters in Yunnan. The panel shows the benefits of treating Yunnan as a whole, rather than separately addressing Sinitic, Tibetan, or Pali forms of Buddhism.

Papers

  • Abstract

    This study looks into how Xitan Temple 悉檀寺, located on Chicken-foot Mountain (Ch. Jizu shan 雞足山; Tib. Ri bo bya rkang), facilitated material, human, and ritual encounters between Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism. Drawing upon the Sixth Zhwa dmar Chos kyi dbang phyug’s (1584-1630) pilgrimage account, Xu Xiake’s (1587-1646) 徐霞客 travel diary, temple inscriptions, and mountain gazetteers, this paper examines the ways in which Mu Zeng 木增 (Tib. bSod nams rab brtan, 1587-1646), a Naxi Chieftain who governed the Lijiang (Tib. ‘Jang Sa tham) area in northwestern Yunnan, played a critical role in Mt. Jizu’s transformation into a sacred site by patronizing both Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism. This will shed light on the power dynamics among different ethnic groups in Yunnan, and how this influenced decisions on the religious market.

  • Abstract

    The Ming Court probably bestowed seven sets of the Yongle Northern Canon to areas in Yunnan. In one case, the Wanli Emperor (r. 1573–1619) issued a decree to present the canon to Huayan Temple on Jizu shan in the fourteenth year of Wanli (1586). His mother, Empress Dowager Li (1545–1614), issued a decree the following year that imperial court would exempt 1284 _shi_ 石of grain-tax from the local people (almost equal to 65,736 kg of rice) to bring prosperity to the country and blessings to the local people. This paper examines the Ming court’s bestowal of the Yongle Northern Canon in Yunnan to analyze the relationship between the Imperial Court and the border province in the southwest and to explore why the court disproportionately favored temples on the sacred Buddhist mountain Jizu shan. One purpose was clear: to consolidate the border region and to protect the empire.

  • Abstract

    This paper nuances the dominant view that the Buddhist kingship of the Dali kingdom drew upon the Sinitic teaching of the _Humane King_. It does so by calling attention to a group of unstudied Esoteric Buddhist ritual manuals for the consecration (Sk. _abhiṣeka_; Ch. _guanding_) of the Dali rulers and by showcasing the ideal of divine rulership embodied in the final part of the ritual. I argue this section is modeled after the enthronement part of the Hindu kingship ritual _pratiṣṭhā_, through which the king reigns as an incarnation of the Buddha. Such a merging of the king and Buddha in one person was never attained in the _Humane King_ model but constitutes a parallel with the Hindu-inspired _buddharāja_ (Buddha-king) ideal in contemporaneous Southeast Asian Buddhist kingdoms. In drawing the parallel, this paper advocates repositioning Dali in a cosmopolitan world consisting of the synchronous pursuit of an Indian-inflected divine kingship.

  • Abstract

    Bilingual Pali-vernacular versions of the Vinaya, including the core Pātimokkha rules and their ritual framework, are some of the most widespread forms of monastic exegesis in the Theravada world. These bilingual compositions, or bitexts, typically follow an interphrasal format, in which Pali words or short phrases are followed by expanded glosses in a local vernacular. As part of a broader inquiry into how bitexts shaped Buddhist translation across mainland Southeast Asia, this paper focuses on a single Pali-Dai example of the Pātimokkha from early modern Sipsongpanna (today’s Xishuangbanna Autonomous Prefecture in Yunnan province, China). This paper compares this text—preserved in facsimile form as part of the massive _Zhongguo beiyejing quanji_ project—with other manuscripts in Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Thailand to reveal how the translation choices made by Dai scholars—into Dai as well as into Chinese—made the Pātimokkha respond to local conceptions of scriptural authority and temporal power.

Audiovisual Requirements

Resources

LCD Projector and Screen
Podium microphone

Full Papers Available

No
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Session Length

2 Hours

Schedule Preference

Sunday, 12:30 PM - 2:30 PM

Tags

#Yunnan
#Buddhism
#Chinese Religions
#Chinese Buddhism
#Tibetan Buddhism
#pilgrimage
#Ming dynasty
#Jizu shan
#Tantric Buddhism
#Buddhist kingship
#Ritual
#Theravada Buddhism
#Pali
#Vinaya